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Resettled, not rehabilitated: Inside India’s ‘climate colony’

Displaced by coastal erosion, people began moving to Bagapatia in the 2010s, but continue to decry the village’s inadequate and dangerous conditions. 

A resident of Bagapatia carries hand-pumped water back to her home (Image: Dimple Behal)

A young girl has died. She gave birth, and the same day, she was dead,” laments Saraswati Mohanty.

The funeral procession snaked its way through the village streets, carrying the body of Kashmira (not her real name). She was 18 and pregnant. There was an emergency, and the closest hospital that could tend to her was two hours away. She died en route.

Bagapatia was meant to be a place of refuge. Instead, in this corner of Odisha, near India’s eastern coast, life tiptoes among the wreckage of loss.

In 2023, the local government described it as India’s first “rehabilitation colony” for people displaced by climate change. It became home to families uprooted from Satabhaya, a cluster of seven coastal villages that have largely been rendered uninhabitable under the pressure of erosion and storms. By 2018, 571 Satabhaya families had been relocated here; by April 2024, officials said 17,049 displaced people had been resettled.

Government funds were set aside for infrastructure – roads, sewer systems and basic services. The move was framed as an example of the state anticipating climate displacement, rather than reacting to disaster. For families who consented to leave what had always been their home, it marked a moment of hope.

But resettlement has not meant rehabilitation.

Bagapatia falls woefully short of necessities for a settlement of its size. It has a single community health centre, which offers medication, vaccinations and other basic primary care, but not enough to tend to urgent cases like Kashmira’s. There is no piped water supply and no drainage system. The people of Satabhaya once relied on farming and fishing, but the swampy soil in Bagapatia is unsuitable for agriculture.

That means work is scarce. Kashmira’s husband had to move to Kerala, in south-west India, to find employment in the plywood industry. It is a journey many displaced from Satabhaya are making as their options narrow. Bagapatia sits close to a river that floods during the high tides and crocodile sightings are frequent; even the act of fetching water is laced with danger. The flooding means schools are routinely shut, disrupting education.

Niranjan Swain, a member of the Panchayat Samiti (the village government), says: “The sea took our land. Now the floods take our peace.”

Mass exodus

In coastal Satabhaya, people could rely on fresh fish for sustenance, and to earn a living. Bagapatia, on the other hand, lies around 12 kilometres inland. “We were given houses, not livelihoods,” says Swain.

Bagapatia’s streets become waterlogged when it rains, forcing residents to walk barefoot through the mud (Image: Dimple Behal)

Before the move, families in Satabhaya had kitchen gardens and paddy fields. In Bagapatia, villagers tell Dialogue Earth the land is low-lying and unfavourable for any cultivation. What was grown must now be bought. “We are always dependent on money,” Swain says.

This dependence on food markets, the corresponding need for an income and the lack of local employment have created a vicious circle. A report by Climate Action Network South Asia noted that by 2021, around 2,000 residents had migrated in search of work, sending remittances home. In the words of Ranjan Panda, an Odisha-based climate and water activist, “it’s ecological poverty that fuels their economic poverty”.

Saraswati Mohanty’s two daughters, aged 18 and 21, are among those planning to leave for Kerala. When they arrive there, over 2,000 kilometres from home, they will likely find work in garment factories overwhelmingly staffed by young women. They will get paid as little as INR 10,000 (USD 110) a month.

“Earlier, only a few people used to go,” Swain says. “Now, half the village leaves every year.”

A village born out of the sea

According to the National Centre for Coastal Research, 36% of the 136-kilometre coastline of Kendrapara district – the administrative unit that encompasses both Satabhaya and Bagapatia – experienced some form of erosion between 1990 and 2018.

Satabhaya, the victim of many cyclones, has been eroding since at least the 1970s. With each storm, its shoreline recedes further. “During every cyclone, around 50 to 100 feet (15 to 30 metres) of the coastline would vanish,” says Swain, who has lived in the village for five decades. The sea began threatening their homes. “All we could do was pray to our goddess and hope to survive.”

The scale of that loss is stark. The village’s area shrank from 350 square kilometres in 1930 to 140 square kilometres by 2015, according to the journal Economic and Political Weekly.

Bagapatia’s swampy soils have proven difficult to farm, leaving its residents more reliant on money to feed themselves than they were in Satabhaya (Image: Dimple Behal)

Bhitarkanika national park is India’s second-largest mangrove ecosystem. It is also home to the world’s largest congregation of endangered saltwater crocodiles, which can reach neighbouring Bagapatia during floods (Image: Dimple Behal)

With the threat growing, the decision to move came long before it happened. The Odisha government identified Bagapatia as Satabhaya’s resettlement site in 2008, though plans to relocate had reportedly been discussed as early as 1992. Resettlement finally began in the late 2010s, by which time much of Satabhaya had already been claimed by the sea.

Bagapatia lies just a few kilometres away from Bhitarkanika National Park, designated a wetland of national importance and part of India’s second-largest mangrove forest after the Sundarbans. It is richly biodiverse but poorly suited to dense human settlement.

During cyclones, the area is often inundated by water. Animals from the national park move into the village, including predators such as saltwater crocodiles, and snakes like the Indian python and king cobra. “It’s difficult to travel, and sometimes crocodiles threaten both people and livestock,” says Mohanty. When Cyclone Dana hit Bagapatia in late 2024, she recalls, floodwaters entered homes and fields, and the village’s roads were cut off for days. “This was never prepared as a human settlement,” she says. “It was just land, and we were told to make our homes on it.”

In 2017, the government provided households with plots of land and INR 150,000 (USD 1,660) to build new homes, according to an officer of the Satabhaya Rehabilitation Project speaking to the media that year. But as the site was low-lying, residents had to level the land by as much as nine metres, adding soil before construction to prevent flooding. “We carried soil from nearby areas to lay the foundation ourselves. The trenches we dug would fill with water when it rained or when the groundwater levels were high,” Mohanty recalls.

Today, housing conditions have improved for a small number of families, “but the settlement as a whole falls short of providing secure and equitable housing”, says Swain. Some households, often supported by remittances from relatives working outside the village, have gradually built cement homes over several years. Others continue to live in mud and thatch structures, similar to those they left behind in Satabhaya.

The same inequalities extend to basic services. A few households can afford water storage tanks; others remain dependent on handpumps.

Dialogue Earth contacted both Kendrapara’s district magistrate and its Housing and Urban Development Department for comment but did not receive a response.

The rainy season brings another set of problems. “Skin diseases and diarrhoea are very common, mainly because of the waterlogging,” says Swati Sucharita Rout, the community health officer at Bagapatia’s community health centre. Apart from her, the facility has one pharmacist on duty, she says, while a doctor travels from Rajnagar once a week to see patients and prescribe medicines.

Children are often the hardest hit. And when the storms come, their school – the only one in the village – doubles as a cyclone relief centre. It often fails at that purpose, too, being scarcely able to accommodate all 571 families. Most leave their children at the centre, and risk shelter somewhere else.

Relocation without rehabilitation

Bagapatia was a settlement meant to help villagers rebuild their lives and adapt to a changing climate. Instead, the village has exposed the gaps in the state’s response to climate-related displacement: it reflects relocation without the conditions that make life liveable.

Setting up small shops near Bagapatia like this one provides locals with an income during the tourist season (Image: Dimple Behal)

Local farmland flooded during Kendrapara’s rainy season (Image: Dimple Behal)

In 2022, India’s parliament introduced two bills to address climate-related displacement: the Climate Migrants (Protection and Rehabilitation) Bill, and the Rehabilitation and Relocation of Persons Displaced due to Climate Change Bill.

The climate migrants bill, introduced by member of parliament Pradyut Bordoloi, seeks to “establish an appropriate policy framework for the protection and rehabilitation of internally displaced climate migrants”. It proposes periodic risk assessments in climate migration hotspots, alongside measures to support adaptive agriculture, land and water use, and the diversification of livelihoods.

The rehabilitation and relocation bill proposes the creation of a committee with dedicated state officers to oversee resettlement, the distribution of funds, and the issuance of identity cards, ensuring displaced people can access government benefits. It also envisages the construction of essential facilities, including hospitals, schools and drinking water wells.

Both bills have failed to pass.

Ranjan Panda believes this reflects a deeper failure to grasp what displacement actually means. “We still lack a comprehensive rehabilitation policy that can make the process of relocation and rehabilitation just and inclusive,” he says.

The same fear that stalked Satabhaya now stalks Bagapatia. Swain urges the government to invest in erosion mitigation measures, such as planting mangrove forests: “If the government plants mangroves along the coast, the erosion can slow down. Without the forests, nothing will protect us.”

He fears the same erosion that consumed Satabhaya will eventually reach Bagapatia.

How long before that happens?

“Maybe in 20 or 30 years.”

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Homestead farming is empowering Indigenous women in central India

Women in Mandla, Madhya Pradesh are becoming leaders of their homestead farms, write three experts from IWMI. 

Soghi Devi harvests brinjals from her homestead farm in Chimkatola, Madhya Pradesh (Image: Tanmoy Bhaduri / IWMI)

Rows of brinjals, chillies, cowpeas, tomatoes and leafy greens shimmer in the morning sun in Kusum Devi’s lush backyard garden.

She lives in the small village of Chimkatola, perched in the hilly terrain of Mandla district, Madhya Pradesh, central India.

Kusum sprinkles a concoction made of cow dung, neem leaves and fermented jaggery (an unrefined cane sugar) over the rows of vegetables. She applies this natural pest repellent as well as bio-fertilisers on the crops every 15 days. “Earlier, we bought [these] from the market, but now, we make it all at home,” she tells Dialogue Earth.

Not long ago, this 10-decimal (400-square-metre) plot yielded little more than maize due to the region’s water stress, and offered meagre returns. Now, 35-year-old Kusum earns up to INR 1,200 (USD 14) per month selling her produce in the weekly market in Mandla town, after keeping some for her family’s consumption.

Kusum has also introduced 10 chickens into her garden. Their eggs provide additional income and nutrition for her family.

Along with those from several neighbouring villages, Kusum is part of a growing network of women farmers transforming Mandla’s uplands through the agroecological homestead model.

This model seeks to address key challenges – including malnutrition, irregular income and resource degradation – faced by Mandla’s tribal communities, such as in Chimkatola and neighbouring Kevlari. These villages are inhabited by the Gond and Baiga communities, recognised as Scheduled Tribes in Madhya Pradesh.

Kusum Devi and Sukhmanta Devi walk through their farms in Chimkatola to get to the solar-powered rice mill they run (Image: Tanmoy Bhaduri / IWMI)

As Kusum’s backyard plot demonstrates, a key part of the model involves cultivating different kinds of vegetables at different heights, maximising use of space. This is alongside crop rotation, bio-composting, rainwater harvesting and livestock integration. The latter involves using organic manure for crop farming and crop residue or surplus for animal feed.

With this model, women farmers have been taking charge of production and decision-making on their families’ homestead farms, challenging traditional norms.

From monocropping to multilayer farms

The agroecological homestead model is an initiative of the CGIAR Multifunctional Landscapes Program and a grassroots organisation, the Professional Assistance for Development Action. Pradan, as it is known, works with the region’s adivasis, or Indigenous inhabitants.

Before the project began, most farmers in Chimkatola and Kevlari practised monocropping – of mainly maize in upland areas and rice in low-lying fields near rivers, notes Gopal Kumar.

Kumar is a researcher at the International Water Management Institute (IWMI), which is monitoring the project along with Pradan.

These crops were vulnerable to erratic rainfall, land degradation due to improper farming on steep slopes, and fluctuating market prices due to unstable fuel prices and other factors. Backyard plots were largely left fallow, with maize occasionally cultivated.

Gopal explains that to diversify income and ensure nutrition, in 2024 the institute introduced the agroecological homestead model to four villages in the Narayanganj block (rural administrative subdivision) of Mandla district. Women from Chimkatola and Kevlari visited these pilots, were encouraged by their success, and adopted the model, he notes.

Sukhmanta Devi inspects vegetables for signs of pests before applying a homemade bio-pesticide in Chimkatola village, Madhya Pradesh (Image: Tanmoy Bhaduri / IWMI)

Via the model, some farmers in Chimkatola and Kevlari have also adopted drip irrigation and portable water tanks (known as Jal Kunds) that can store up to 12,000 litres of rainwater. These small interventions have enabled year-round farming. “Earlier, we had to depend [solely] on rain,” says Yashoda Devi, a farmer in Kevlari. “Now, with the Jal Kund and drip irrigation, we can plan our crops and earn throughout the year.”

Each woman farmer participating in the agricultural homestead project cultivates around 400-500 square meters of land, using bio-fertilisers like jeevamrut and panchagavyaboth made from cow dung and urine mixed with other organic matter.

According to IWMI’s findings, production diversity has increased by 350%, dietary diversity has doubled, and consumption of nutrient-rich foods such as leafy greens has gone up by 70%. Protein intake and household savings have also improved through backyard poultry, and families’ dependence on external markets for produce and fertiliser has fallen.

A Jal Kund used to collect and store rainwater for later use in homesteads. Farmers were previously reliant on rain (Image: Tanmoy Bhaduri / IWMI)

“Initially, farmers were hesitant to adopt natural inputs,” says Gopal. During the first attempt, heavy rainfall washed away everything, including bio-fertilisers, bio-pests, and seedlings. “But once they saw better yields and healthier crops, confidence grew. Today, more women are preparing and applying bio-formulations on their own.”

With men migrating, women lead

In the villages of Mandla’s Narayanganj block, men often migrate seasonally to nearby towns for work, leaving women to manage farms and households. Traditionally, their roles are confined to supportive labour such as sowing, weeding or harvesting. Under homestead model, however, they have taken charge of production and decision-making.

“Before, women waited for men to decide what to grow,” says Saurav Kumar, team coordinator for Pradan. “Now, they decide when to sow, what to sell, and how to reinvest [the proceeds]. The [model] has built confidence as much as capacity.”

He notes that the model has been co-created with women’s self-help groups, and that this participatory design aims to make the transition to leadership roles in farming as smooth as possible for the women.

Sumatri Devi of Kevlari village harvests brinjals from her homestead farm in the morning before heading off to sell them at the local market (Image: Tanmoy Bhaduri / IWMI)

Farmers told Dialogue Earth that income from their homestead farms supplements the remittances sent by their husbands, who usually work in construction or transport. “When my husband is away [working] in Jabalpur [a city in Madhya Pradesh], I manage everything here,” says Pushpa Devi as she harvests brinjal from her farm. “With [just] off-season prices, we earn enough to support children’s tuition fees and pay small household expenses.”

Yashoda Devi regularly supplies vegetables to a hostel in the nearby town of Bichhiya. “Last month alone, I harvested 33 kilograms of brinjal and earned about INR 1,200 [USD 14] profit from selling vegetables. It may seem small, but for us, it makes a big difference.”

In Chimkatola and Kevlari, two women-led associations of water users have been set up for farmers involved in the homestead model. This has been done through a connected scheme to bring solar-powered irrigation pumps to 13 women farmers, supported by the CGIAR program and the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation. The associations manage the shared pumps and generate income by providing irrigation. Excess power from the pumps is used to turn a rice mill, allowing farmers to process paddy locally.

Kusum Devi operates a solar-powered rice mill in Chimkatola (Image: Tanmoy Bhaduri / IWMI)

The scheme sits under IWMI’s Solar Energy for Agricultural Resilience (SoLAR) project, with the pumps and the mill funded by IWMI, through government loans and farmers’ capital.

Each association maintains a bank account to manage revenue, with profits used to repay loans. Members have been trained in governance, financial record-keeping and maintaining solar infrastructure. “For the first time, women here are running a water system and handling finances,” Kusum Devi said.

Overcoming challenges and cultivating hope

Despite the visible progress, implementing agroecological practices in resource-constrained tribal regions has not been without hurdles. Limited capital, pest attacks, erratic weather and knowledge gaps continue to challenge homesteaders.

“The first few months were difficult,” admits Balwanti Devi from Kevlari. “Some crops were damaged by heavy rain, and we didn’t have money to buy organic inputs again.”

The project team has been exploring how participants can be supported by existing government programmes, Kumar of IWMI says. One way has been to encourage water-user associations to apply for subsidised loans for a new wheat mill and renewable-energy equipment through Madhya Pradesh’s state rural livelihood mission, which they are eligible for as self-help groups.

Self-help groups are being encouraged to access subsidised loans for initial investment, and labour costs are covered through public works – creation of waterbodies and irrigation canals – under the Rural Employment Guaranteed Scheme.

Alongside tending to her homestead vegetable farm, Yasoda Devi of Kevlari village also rears goats, whose manure enriches the soil (Image: Tanmoy Bhaduri / IWMI)

To ensure their farming is sustainable, women are provided training by Pradan staff in bio-composting, water management and crop scheduling. Farmers are learning to adjust sowing times and improve canopy management – to optimise light and air circulation in crops – and boost productivity using climate-resilient seed varieties, notes Saurav Kumar.

Looking to the future, the project team plans to establish wholesale centres where farmers’ produce can be transported to larger markets, he adds, to help farmers get more stable prices for their produce.

With the homestead project, women who once saw farming as mere subsistence now view it as enterprise. The transformation is visible not only in the fields of Chimkatola and Kevlari, but also in the confidence of the women who till them. “Earlier, we were invisible in farming,” says Kusum Devi, standing next to her farm. “Now, we are the decision-makers.”

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